Introduction to Neither Bullets Nor Ballots
by Wendy McElroy
The Voluntaryist seeks to reclaim the anti-political
heritage of libertarianism. It seeks to reestablish the clear, clean
difference between the economic and the political means of changing
society. This difference was well perceived by the forerunners of
contemporary libertarianism who tore the veil of legitimacy away from
government to reveal a criminal institution which claimed a monopoly of
force in a given area. Accordingly, early libertarians such as Benjamin
Tucker maintained that one could no more attack government by electing
politicians than one could prevent crime by becoming a criminal.
Although he did not question the sincerity of political anarchists, he
described them as enemies of liberty: "those who distrust her as a
means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by
first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her." This rejection of
the political process (by which I mean electoral politics) was a moral
one based on the insight that no one has the right to a position of
power over others and that any man who seeks such an office, however
honorable his intentions, is seeking to join a criminal band.
Somewhere in the history of libertarianism, this
rejection of the State has been eroded to the point that anarchists are
now aspiring politicians and can hear the words "anarchist Senator"
without flinching. No longer is libertarianism directed against the
positions of power, against the offices through which the State is
manifested; the modern message — complete with straw hats, campaign
rhetoric and strategic evasion — is "elect my man to office" as if it
were the man disgracing the office and not the other way around. Those
who point out that no one has the right to such a position, that such
power is anathema to the concept of rights itself, are dismissed as
negative, reactionary or crackpot. They are subject to ad hominem
attacks which divert attention from the substantive issues being
raised, the issues which will be discussed in The Voluntaryist.
The Voluntaryist is unique in that it reflects both the
several centuries of libertarian tradition and the current cutting edge
of libertarian theory. The tradition of American libertarianism Is so
inextricably linked with anarchism that, during the Nineteenth Century,
Individualist-anarchism was a synonym for libertarianism. But anarchism
is more than simply the non-initiation of force by which libertarianism
is commonly defined. It is a view of the State as the major violator of
rights, as the main enemy. Anarchism analyzes the State as an
institution whose purpose is to violate rights in order to secure
benefits to a privileged class. For those who believe in the propriety
of a limited government it makes sense to pursue political office, but
for an anarchist who views the State as a fundamentally evil
institution such a pursuit flies in the face of the theory and the
tradition which he claims to share. Thus, the political anarchist must
explain why he aspires to an office he proclaims inherently unjust.
Perhaps one reason for the erosion of anarchism within the libertarian
movement is that many of the questions necessary to a libertarian
institutional analysis of the State have never been seriously
addressed. A goal of The Voluntaryist is to construct a cohesive theory
of anti-political libertarianism, of Voluntaryism, which will
investigate such issues as whether moral or legal liabilities adhere to
the act of voting someone into power over another's life. Perhaps by
working out the basics of this theory the unhappy spectacle of "the
anarchist as politician" can be avoided.
Another major goal is to examine non-political
strategies. In constructing anti-political theory and strategy — which
was assumed by early libertarians without being well defined — we will
be labeled as merely counter Libertarian Party by those who innocently
or with malice are unable to perceive the wider context which leads to
a rejection of the political means itself. The myriad of non-political
strategies available to libertarians will be dismissed or will be
accepted only as useful adjuncts to electoral politics. It is ironic
that a movement which uses the free market as a solution for everything
from roads to national defense declares that political means, the
antithesis of the free market, are necessary to achieve freedom.
As Voluntaryists we reject the Libertarian Party on the
same level and for the same reason we reject any other political party.
The rejection is not based on incidental evasions or corruption of
principle which inevitably occur within politics. It is based on the
conviction that to oppose the State one must oppose the specific
instances of the State or else one's opposition is toward a vague,
floating abstraction and never has practical application. Political
offices are the State. By becoming politicians libertarians legitimize
and perpetuate the office. They legitimize and perpetuate the State.
If libertarianism has a future, it is as the movement
which takes a principled, resounding stance against the State. Those
who embrace political office hinder the efforts of Voluntaryists who
are attempting to throw off this institution of force. It is common for
libertarians to view anarchism and minarchism as two trains going down
the same track; minarchism simply stops a little before anarchism's
destination. This is a mistaken notion. The destination of anarchism is
different from and antagonistic to the destination minarchism. The
theory and the emotional commitment are different. Murray Rothbard
captured the emotional difference by asking his famous question in
Libertarian Forum, "Do you Hate the State?" Voluntaryists respond with
an immediate, heartfelt "yes". Minarchists give reserved, qualified
agreement all the while explaining the alleged distinction between a
government and a state. Political anarchists are in the gray realm of
agreeing heartily in words to principles which their actions
contradict. It is time to have the differences between Voluntaryism and
political libertarianism clearly expressed and for non-political
alternatives to be pursued.
It is time for The Voluntaryist.